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				Feb 5th, 2008, 10:04 AM
			
			
			
		
			
			       
				Afghani War Hero Dies at Gitmo 
 Time Runs Out for an Afghan Held by the USBy Carlotta Gall and Andy Worthington
 The New York Times     Tuesday 05 February 2008
 Kabul, Afghanistan - Abdul Razzaq Hekmati was regarded here as a war    hero, famous for his resistance to the Russian occupation in the 1980s and later    for a daring prison break he organized for three opponents of the Taliban government    in 1999.
 But in 2003, Mr. Hekmati was arrested by American forces in southern Afghanistan    when, senior Afghan officials here contend, he was falsely accused by his enemies    of being a Taliban commander himself. For the next five years he was held at    the American military base in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, where he died of cancer    on Dec. 30.
 The fate of Mr. Hekmati, the first detainee to die of natural causes at Guantánamo,    who fruitlessly recounted his story several times to American officials, demonstrates    the enduring problems of the tribunals at Guantánamo, say Afghan officials    and others who knew him.
 Afghan officials, and some Americans, complain that detainees are effectively    thwarted from calling witnesses in their defense, and that the Afghan government    is never consulted on the detention cases, even when it may be able to help.    Mr. Hekmati's case, officials who knew him said, shows that sometimes    the Americans do not seem to know whom they are holding. Meanwhile, detainees    wait for years with no resolution to their cases.
 In response to queries, a spokeswoman for the Pentagon, Cynthia O. Smith, said    the military tribunals at Guantánamo contained "significant process    and protections," including the right to call witnesses.
 While Ms. Smith would not discuss specifics, she said that there was nothing    to indicate that Mr. Hekmati's case was handled improperly, and that    detainees at Guantánamo were given a range of protections, including "the    opportunity for a detainee to be heard in person, call witnesses and present    additional information that might benefit him."
 Whether those protections are sufficient has been widely debated and is now    being considered by the United States Supreme Court. In the tribunals, which    consider only whether detainees have been properly classified as enemy combatants,    detainees are not allowed to have lawyers or see the evidence against them.    The Supreme Court case will decide whether they have the right to broadly appeal    their detentions in federal court.
 Of the 275 detainees at Guantánamo, at least 180 have sought to challenge    their detentions.
 Several high-ranking officials in President Hamid Karzai's government    say Mr. Hekmati's detention at Guantánamo was a gross mistake.    They were mentioned by Mr. Hekmati in his hearings and could have vouched for    him. Records from the hearings show that only a cursory effort was made to reach    them.
 Two of those officials were men Mr. Hekmati had helped escape from the Taliban's    top security prison in Kandahar in 1999: Ismail Khan, now the minister of energy;    and Hajji Zaher, a general in the Border Guards. Both men said they appealed    to American officials about Mr. Hekmati's case, but to no effect.
 "What he did was very important for all Afghan people who were against    the Taliban," Hajji Zaher said of Mr. Hekmati's role in organizing    his prison break. "He was not a man to take to Guantánamo."
 Hajji Zaher, whose father served as vice president under Mr. Karzai for six    months, warned that the case of Mr. Hekmati, who is widely known here by his    nickname, Baraso, would discourage Afghans from backing the government against    the Taliban. "No one is going to help the government," he said.
 Mr. Hekmati never had a lawyer, said Zachary Katznelson of Reprieve, a British    charity that represents a number of Guantánamo detainees. At his October    2004 review hearing, Mr. Hekmati specifically asked that Hajji Zaher and Mr.    Khan be contacted to act as supporting witnesses.
 The military tribunal president said the Afghan government did not respond    to requests to locate the men, and ruled that they were "not reasonably    available."
 Although both men are well known to the American authorities in Afghanistan,    both Hajji Zaher and Mr. Khan said the American authorities had never asked    them to appear.
 Unidentified Accusers
 In Mr. Hekmati's tribunal at Guantánamo in 2004 to assess his    status as an enemy combatant, American officials accused Mr. Hekmati of a variety    of charges made by unidentified sources, and referred to him only as Abdul Razzaq,    his first names, which are common in Afghanistan.
 According to transcripts released by the Pentagon, the United States military    charged, among other things, that Mr. Hekmati was "high in the Al Qaeda    hierarchy," acted as a smuggler and facilitator for it, and was "part    of the main security escort for Osama bin Laden." He was also accused    of attending a terrorist training camp near Kandahar and of involvement in assassination    attempts against Afghan government officials.
 He was also identified as a senior leader of a 40-man Taliban unit, and even    as supreme commander in Helmand Province.
 That last allegation was rebutted by another unidentified detainee, who explicitly    stated that Mr. Hekmati looked nothing like the Taliban commander and that the    commander was "not the same person as the detainee," according    to the transcript.
 Mr. Hekmati denied the charges, too, saying he did not even live in Afghanistan    after the 1999 prison break, when he ran afoul of the Taliban. He insisted that    most of the allegations had been directed against him by two of his personal    enemies.
 The first was Sher Mohammed Akhundzada, the post-Taliban governor of Helmand    Province, who, Mr. Hekmati said, was directly responsible for his arrest after    he reported the governor for corruption and for protecting a number of senior    Taliban members in Helmand.
 The second was Mohammed Jan, a distant cousin who had falsely denounced him    as part of a long-running family feud. "It was one person who gave them    wrong information and just because of this wrong person, I am here,"    Mr. Hekmati pleaded at his October 2004 review hearing.
 "They can't prove anything against me because I never did anything    wrong," he went on. "The person that was giving you all that wrong    information, this is the person that killed my two brothers, my sister, my father    and two of my sons."
 Mr. Akhundzada denied any part in Mr. Hekmati's arrest, attributing    it to a mistake by American Special Forces. He said they were often fed false    information.
 But friends of Mr. Hekmati said he was arrested in 2003 by Afghan forces in    the provincial capital, Lashkar Gah, during Mr. Akhundzada's tenure and    later turned over to American forces.
 Mr. Hekmati maintained that he was opposed to the Taliban, whom he described    as "dangerous and dirty people" who had deviated from Islam.
 "Taliban and Al Qaeda are the same," he said at his review board    hearing in September 2005. "When I'm against Taliban I'm    going against Al Qaeda. There's an expression in Pashto that you cannot    hold two watermelons in one hand at the same time."
 The only allegation that he accepted was that he had worked as a truck driver    for the Taliban, but he said he had been forced to work for them three months    a year, as every able-bodied man was during the Taliban's rule.
 Several people in Afghanistan, including Hajji Mir Wali, a member of Parliament,    and Mullah Abdul Salam Zaeef, the former Taliban ambassador to Pakistan, who    was held in a cell next to Mr. Hekmati in Guantánamo for three months    in 2003, confirmed that he was a truck driver for the Taliban government in    the 1990s.
 But Mullah Zaeef said Mr. Hekmati could never have worked for the Taliban again    after 1999, such was their fury over the prison break he organized.
 Hajji Wali, who knew Mr. Hekmati well, said: "It was the Americans'    mistake. I know he had no relations with the Taliban."
 Yet the Americans on his tribunal and review boards seemed unaware of how significant    the prison break was, or how important were the men he had helped escape and    whom he had asked to be called as witnesses.
 The Prison Break
 The 1999 escape was a deep humiliation for the Taliban government, which blocked    roads and searched houses across the country for days afterward and offered    $1 million for the capture of the escapees. Two of Mr. Hekmati's relatives    were badly tortured by the Taliban after the prison break as the Taliban looked    for information.
 Two of the men Mr. Hekmati freed, Mr. Khan and Hajji Zaher, returned to the    battlefield to lead forces against the Taliban. They both received significant    American support in 2001 and worked with Special Forces units.
 A third man who escaped with them was another commander of the anti-Taliban    Northern Alliance, Gen. Mohammed Qasim.
 According to Mr. Hekmati's account in his hearing in September 2005,    he organized the escape because he opposed the Taliban's "ruthlessness    and injustice."
 Mr. Hekmati said he had written a letter outlining his escape plan, which his    son, Hekmatullah, who worked as an intelligence officer at the Taliban's    high security prison, smuggled in to Mr. Khan. Mr. Khan then put Mr. Hekmati    in touch with his own son, who gave him $20,000 to buy a Toyota Land Cruiser    for a getaway vehicle.
 Mr. Hekmati said that because his son was trusted by the Taliban, he was able    to walk the three prisoners out one night to where he was waiting in the dark    with the vehicle. Hekmatullah corroborated much of his father's account    in an interview in 2002.
 The men escaped to Iran, where Mr. Khan provided Mr. Hekmati and his family    with a house and financial support in return for his daring. Mr. Hekmati said    he returned to Afghanistan only in 2002, after the Taliban were toppled and    Mr. Karzai's interim government was installed. Within a year, he was    arrested.
 The Military Tribunals
 In a report in February 2006 based on an analysis of documents released by    the Pentagon, researchers at Seton Hall University School of Law, in Newark,    concluded that no outside witnesses had ever been called to appear at Guantánamo.    Lt. Col. Stephen E. Abraham, a former United States intelligence officer who    had worked on the tribunals, stepped forward last June to criticize the tribunals.
 In a submission to the Supreme Court, he condemned them for relying on generalized    evidence that would have been dismissed by any competent court, and as being    devised to rubber-stamp the administration's assertion that the detainees    had been correctly designated "enemy combatants" when they were    captured and that they could be held indefinitely.
 In a second submission, to the United States Court of Appeals for the District    of Columbia Circuit in November, Colonel Abraham explained that he was "not    aware of any realistic attempts" to "identify or even attempt    to bring before the tribunal witnesses or their statements," and concluded    that the whole process "was designed to conduct tribunals without witnesses    other than the accused detainee."
 That is one of the reasons Afghan officials have asked that Afghan detainees    be transferred from Guantánamo to Afghanistan. "Of course a judicial    process needs witnesses and documents and evidence," Minister of Justice    Mohammad Sarwar Danish said. "Most of these cases have not come to trial,    and are not proceeding, and that is why we asked them to be moved here."
 After Mr. Hekmati was arrested, two of the men he broke out of prison, Mr.    Khan and Hajji Zaher, said they appealed to American and Afghan officials for    his release. "I asked President Karzai to help, but unfortunately it    did not help," Mr. Khan said. He said he also asked the American ambassador    to Afghanistan at the time, Zalmay Khalilzad, with no result.
 "We did try but it was not working," Hajji Zaher said in a phone    interview. "When they are sending someone to Guantánamo, they have    their own rules."
 After Mr. Hekmati's death at Guantánamo, his body was returned    to Afghanistan and quietly buried in an unmarked grave in Kandahar on Jan. 8.    His family did not dare attend the funeral, fearful of both the Taliban and    the Americans, friends said.
 As the Taliban has reasserted itself in much of southern Afghanistan, Mr. Hekmati's    son remains in hiding. Neither he nor any relative or elder of their tribe collected    his father's body.
 "He is caught in the middle," said Hajji Wali, a family friend.    "He is scared of the Taliban and scared of the government and the Americans,    because the Americans took his innocent father and they could take him, too."
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